Joint Hearing Of The Subcommittee On International Operations And Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy And Global Women's Issues And The Subcommittee On African Affairs Of The Senate Foreign Relations Committee

Statement

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SEN. FEINGOLD: (Sounds gavel.) This hearing will come to order. Good afternoon everybody.

On behalf of both the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs and its Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy and Global Women's Issues, I want to welcome all of you to this interweave -- joint hearing entitled, "Confronting Rape and Other Forms of Violence Against Women in Conflict Zones. Spotlight, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan.

I'm of course, honored to be co-chairing this hearing with Senator Boxer, who has been a great leader in raising awareness about the many challenges facing women and girls around the world. And I want to also recognize the ranking member of the subcommittee that I chair, Senator Isakson, and we look forward to the chair -- the ranking member of the committee Senator Boxer -- the subcommittee that Senator Boxer chairs, Senator Wicker. I'll invite my colleagues to deliver some opening remarks in just a moment.

Among the many troubling things I have seen and heard during my travels over the last 17 years, as a member of this committee, the suffering of women and girls in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo stands out.

In 1999, I traveled to 10 countries in Africa in an effort to help bring about a resolution to Congo's ongoing crisis. And then nearly a decade later, in the summer of 2007, I traveled to eastern Congo to see firsthand the conditions that have persisted through a decade of conflict and crisis. Millions have died during that decade and millions more have been displaced from their homes.

And during that most recent trip, I met with women and girls who had been gang-raped and sexually abused, often leaving them with horrific physical and psychological damage. Many of these women had lost their husbands, their homes, and their livelihoods and yet against all odds they refused to give up -- if only for the sake of their children.

The stories I heard in eastern Congo are horrifying. And even more horrifying is how common such stories have become for women and girls across eastern Congo and other conflict zones, including those in Sudan. Rape and other forms of gender-based violence are not just outgrowths of war and its brutality; they can also be weapons of war.

In the past few years there has been an increased focus on the urgent need to address these brutal tactics -- whether through U.N. Security Council resolutions or NGO campaigns -- and the United States has an important role to play in helping to facilitate such initiatives and ensure that sound policies are implemented.

I hope today's hearing will evaluate how the United States and our partners, including regional and international organizations, can best do so in the context of our overall strategies to promote lasting peace and stability in Congo, Sudan and all other conflict zones.

At the same time, I hope today's hearing will examine structural changes within the United States government as well as the international community that can help integrate gender-sensitive approaches into our assistance programs, especially with regard to security sector reform.

In addition, there are steps that the international community can take to enhance our collective capacity to anticipate, prevent, and respond to sexual and gender-based violence. For example, the U.N. Security Council last year passed Resolution 1820, which condemns the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence in conflict situations and states that rape can constitute a war crime, a crime against humanity, or a constitutive act with respect to genocide.

The resolution also calls for effective steps to prevent and respond to acts of sexual violence as a way of contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security, including ending the impunity for perpetrators.

Finally, the resolution requested the secretary general to develop and implement appropriate guidelines, training programs and strategies for how U.N. peacekeeping missions can better address sexual violence, and this is due at the end of June. So I certainly hope that today's discussion will contribute to and further these current efforts.

Now, just before I turn to my colleagues, let me quickly introduce our first panel of witnesses. We will hear from Assistant Secretary for International Organizations, Esther Brimmer. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues, Melanne Verveer. And Acting Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Phil Carter.

I'm grateful to all of you for being here. Your presence together shows the kind cross bureau coordination at state that we want and that we need in order to address such an important issue. And I especially, congratulate Secretary Brimmer and Ambassador Verveer on your recent confirmations.

I ask that you do your best to keep your opening remarks to five minutes each, so we can have plenty of time for questions and discussion.

And then on our second panel, we will hear from several non- governmental experts on these issues including individuals who have seen first hand -- often many times -- this violence and have led programs to combat it.

Senator Boxer will introduce our second panel witnesses, and I will now turn to her for her opening remarks and then when she is done we'll go to Senator Isakson and then Senator Wicker, if he has arrived, and then on to our witnesses.

Senator Boxer.

SEN. BOXER: Good afternoon. I want to express my deep gratitude to Senator Feingold for agreeing to hold this joint subcommittee hearing with me today, and to our ranking members Senator Wicker and Senator Isakson.

And of course I want to thank our chairman, John Kerry, for allowing me to chair a new subcommittee, which will focus on international women's issues. I want to say one more word about Senator Feingold and that is that he is a great human rights leader. So, this opportunity to team up with him on this passion of his called, what happens in Africa is very special and I'm really pleased about this.

I want to, before I make just about three minutes or less of remarks, introduce somebody very special. Mariska Hargitay. Mariska is an actress, you probably know who she is, founder of the Joyful Heart Foundation whose mission is to heal, educate, and empower victims of sexual assault, domestic violence and child abuse. After Law and Order did an episode about child rape and child soldiers in Africa, she became extremely engaged in this issue.

And so Mariska, would you stand up. We want to say thank you very much for being here. Thank you.

(Applause)

I also want to express a very warm welcome to our distinguished first panel. I think the strong representation we have here today from the administration speaks to the gravity of this heartbreaking issue and their commitment to take a look at it and do something about it. I think we'll also find that this issue is very complex.

And I know that efforts have been made to address sexual violence in conflict zones to date. But it is entirely unacceptable that we continue to hear reports of thousands of women and children being brutally raped, some are merely infants. If raping an infant is not a crime against humanity, I don't know what is.

Today, we are going spotlight Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo in order to examine the brutal sexual violence that women around the globe are subjected to during conflict. As you will hear from our distinguished panelists, violating a woman in this manner often goes far beyond mutilating her body. It is an effort to destroy families, communities, and entire societies.

I keep coming back to a passage from a report issued by Refugees International because I think it captures best what is going on in Darfur and Sudan. Darfur, Sudan. Rape, it says, is quote, "An integral part of the pattern of violence that the government of Sudan is inflicting upon the targeted ethnic groups in Darfur. The raping of Darfuri women is not sporadic or random. It is inexorably linked to the systematic destruction of their communities," unquote.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the magnitude of the problem defies comprehension. Hundreds of thousands of women and children have been raped during the course of a conflict that has spanned 12 years. And while the country has made strides toward stability, including holding democratic elections, the rapes are continuing at a grotesque rate.

According to Human Rights Watch, quote, "The number of women and girls raped since January has significantly increased in areas of military operations by armed groups and soldiers of the Congolese Army," unquote. I was particularly touched by a quote issued by 71 Congolese women's organizations about how the sexual violence is impacting their society and their lives.

This is a quote from them. "We are vulnerable in our fields, in the streets, and even in our own homes. Even our daughters as young as three years old are vulnerable when they are playing with their friends or on their way to school. The nuclear family, the base of our society, no longer exists. There is a crisis of authority and a culture of impunity," unquote.

Colleagues, I know you share what I'm about to say. This must stop. And colleagues, we must come together across all the lines that normally divide us, and we know there are many, but we can end this madness, if we work together, I truly believe it.

And so, I will turn back to Senator Feingold to call on the ranking members for any comments they have and I thank both panels for being here today.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Senator Boxer, of course, for your tremendous work on the committee and your drive to make this happen. And I'm very pleased to be having this hearing with you as well and everything you've done to make it happen.

Senator Isakson

SEN. JOHNNY ISAKSON (R-GA): Well, thank you Chairman Feingold and Chairman Boxer for calling this session today, and I want to thank our witnesses, and I am not going to waste their valuable time by making a long statement except to say, I have a sincere and deep interest in this issue.

In 10 days, Senator Corker and I, will be in Darfur. We have already arranged go into Khartoum and then later into Darfur specifically, among other things about this particular issue. So, I'm delighted to have our witnesses here today. Both panels, I look forward to hearing from you.

And I thank Chairman Boxer and Chairman Feingold very much for calling this hearing today.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Senator Corker, would you like to make a statement. I know Senator Wicker is -- maybe coming.

SEN. BOB CORKER (R-TN): I realize I'm not a ranking member. I have tremendous interest in this issue and I thank you for having the hearing.

(Audio break)

SEN. FEINGOLD: All right, thank you very much and now, we'll begin with the witnesses.

Mr. Carter.

MR. CARTER: Mr. Chairman, what we have decided to do is to -- for the brevity and for to -- get to the questions and the interchange that the ambassador-at-large for Global Women's Issues will speak for all of us in terms of our opening statement.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Fair enough. Melanne?

MS. MELANNE: Thank you, Chairman Feingold and Chairman Boxer, Ranking Member Isakson, Senator Corker, we thank you greatly for this opportunity to come before you today to testify on this important issue.

Let me preface my remarks by saying that violence against women, as a tool of armed groups, is in no way limited to the DRC and Sudan, or just to Africa. We've seen this in Bosnia, Burma, Sri Lanka, and elsewhere. The underlying problems; gender inequality and the dehumanization of women, are often the same, and our assessment of needs and recommendations is similar across regions.

Violence against women in the DRC and Sudan is an urgent humanitarian crisis, unquestionably so. However, and I emphasize this point, to regard it solely as a humanitarian crisis would be a mistake. These brutal attacks are part of an armed conflict strategy, carried out through rape and sexualized torture.

As we have heard, the crisis in DRC is reaching its 12th year. The scale and enormity of the violence directed at women can adequately be described.

Some 1,100 rapes are being reported each month, with an average of 36 women and girls raped each day.

In addition to these rapes and gang rapes of which there have been hundreds of thousands over the duration of the conflict, the perpetrators frequently mutilate the women in the course of the attacks. The apparent purpose is to leave a lasting and inerasable signal to others that the woman has been violated.

In the DRC, and in many other cultures, this translates into a lifelong badge of shame. Moreover, the lethal spreading of HIV AIDS is increasing the toll of death and debilitation long after the initial attack.

All of these consequences are more than the tragic effects of rape. They are also the strategic incentives for the perpetrators. Rape is employed as the weapon because it is effective. It destroys the fabric of societies from within and does so more efficiently than do guns or bombs.

Humanitarian organizations on the ground report that attacks on women destroy the nucleus of the family. And with the unraveling families, the communities also disintegrate. There is little place in these villages to shore up the collapse of these integral institutions.

There are NGOs in place to be sure, few but effective as well as heroic individuals like Dr. Denis Mukwege, director of the Panzi General Referral Hospital in the DRC's South Kivu province who struggles around the clock to repair the victims' mutilated bodies. To speak with him or others who are desperately trying to cope with the reality on the ground as I have, is to have a window on the magnitude of the horror.

Our Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, will be traveling shortly to Africa with the U.N. Security Council. In a few days, she and her colleagues will visit a hospital in eastern DRC similar to that of Dr. Mukwege's. It is providing care to the victims of these atrocities. That the Security Council is paying serious attention to this issue is important and we must see that much more is done.

Currently, there are no adequate ways to hold the perpetrators of these crimes accountable for their actions. Prosecution is essential. First and foremost, the atmosphere of impunity must end. These crimes must be recognized not as isolated and aberrant incidences of rape, but as part of a strategy of brutalization and as crimes against humanity.

A recent report by the U.N. Human Rights Integrated Office in the DRC concluded, the law enforcement personnel and magistrates continue to treat rape and sexual violence in general with a marked lack of seriousness. Men accused of rape are often granted bail or given relatively light sentences.

Few cases are reported to the police and fewer still in prosecution. Of the 14,000 rape cases registered in provincial health centers in the DRC between 2005 and 2007, only 287 were ever taken to trial. More must be done to identify and punish perpetrators. Police must receive better training; there must be more focus on initiatives to strengthen the rule of law and provide victims with access to justice, while offering them protection throughout the judicial process.

The U.S. has recognized, both in Darfur and the DRC that ending the conflicts is the most important, direct and certain path to ending the violence. Peace negotiations and transition from post-conflict environments should remain our highest priority.

The U.S. has also sought to engage both the U.N. General Assembly and the Security Council in constructive measures that recognize the political aspects of this crisis and that are designed to commit the U.N. to specific actions and eventually end the use of sexual violence as an instrument of armed conflict, wherever it occurs.

Last year, during the U.S. presidency of the Security Council, the U.S. introduced Security Council Resolution 1820. It built upon Resolution 1325, which had been adopted in 2000. 1325 requires parties in conflict to respect women's rights and to support their participation in peace negotiations and in post-conflict reconstruction.

Women must be included at the negotiating table so that their relevant experiences can be brought to bear and their needs in post- conflict civil reconstruction incorporated, from the start. Resolution 1325 has been widely and justifiably praised, but member states including the United States as well as NGOs have rightly noted the tangible progress related to its goals -- the goals that it outlines -- have so far been few.

Security Council Resolution 1820 reinforces many of the aspirations of 1325. And also establishes a clear link between maintaining international peace and security and preventing and responding to sexual violence used to deliberately target civilians. It affirms the council's intention to take sexual violence in situations of armed conflict into account when establishing or renewing state specific sanctions.

Security Council resolutions now include in peacekeeping mandates, where necessary, specific instructions for U.N. peacekeepers to prevent gender and sexually based violence and to take steps to protect against it. For example, the mandate of UNAMID, the joint African Union U.N. Hybrid Operation in Darfur, includes specific reference to both, 1325 and 1820, and requests the secretary general to report on their implementation.

We hope and expect that this increased attention, as well as the reporting requirements, will help to expose the offenses and diminish the chances that they will be committed with impunity. The U.S. continues to actively work with the U.N. Secretariat and fellow members to prevent sexual misconduct by U.N. peacekeeping personnel; military, police and civilians.

The peacekeeping missions should have as their highest priority, protecting women and children, the most vulnerable, particularly in the places that they move and congregate. The U.S. is also providing much needed assistance to victims in the areas of conflict.

For example, since 2000, the Department of State has funded a special program for prevention and response to violence against women for refugee populations. The program has provided over ($)27 million for such projects, in cooperation with international organizations and NGOs worldwide.

USAID and bureaus and offices within the State Department also fund programs that we have described more fully in the testimony. These programs not only address survivor's immediate needs with psychological counseling and medical services, but also provide comprehensive support such as, literacy, training, and services aimed at reintegrating them into their communities.

Our testimony also contains additional recommendations to address this crisis for more effective implementation of the U.N. resolutions described as well as to improving peacekeeping operations to legal assistance.

The Obama administration recognizes the urgency of this crisis and the use of rape as a tool in armed conflict as an abhorrent violation of human rights and an ongoing security crisis for the region.

We pledge to work with you and your colleagues to promote the peace process, to communicate the urgency and gravity of the situation to all nations, and parties involved, to ensure that victims are protected, that perpetrators are prosecuted, and that women are free from violence.

Thank you.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Ambassador Verveer, very much. And we now begin with a seven-minute round for the panel. I'll start it off.

Mr. Carter, as you know, one of the major drivers of the instability in Eastern Congo is the dismal state of the security sector itself, which does not protect or provide adequate justice for the civilian population. And moreover, many in the Congolese Army, as you also know, have been implicated in rape and other forms of gender- based violence over the years.

The U.S. government has been involved with other donors over recent years in efforts to reform the Congo's security sector. And the president requested additional funds in the supplemental as well as a substantial increase in foreign military financing for Congo in his FY '10 budget request. With all this increased support going to the Congolese Army, how are we integrating, analyzing and addressing gender-issues as well as seeking to enhance the accountability within the Congolese military?

MR. CARTER: Thank you Mr. Chairman.

The issue, as you rightly put, is a -- it's a structural one that we face with the Congolese Army. What we have also come to realize is that the United States alone cannot make an effective reform effort. It has to be done with an international coalition.

On May 12th, the United States participated with other international donors in Brussels on a means by which we can better coordinate our efforts for what we would consider security sector reform -- recast it as a security sector transformation.

It has to look beyond not just elements within the army, but also the police and the judiciary, the judicial system itself that working on one component is insufficient if you don't -- and for example, if you don't have a judicial system that can deal with the questions of impunity in a clear cut and open way.

With regards to the military itself, we have an ongoing commitment to develop a rapid reaction force, a model battalion, based on the principles that we use with for example, the ACOTA program for peacekeeping, which pulls in significant training on the issues of human rights, dealing with gender-sensitivity issues. That would be an issue that we'd be looking at. But once again it has to be a coordinated effort with ourselves and other international donors.

SEN. FEINGOLD: You mentioned ACOTA. Are there specific components of any of our training programs that deal with the gender issues that are more than just a box checking exercise? What does this really entail?

MR. CARTER: Thank you, Chairman. The question there is what is inside the ACOTA program? Essentially, what we are looking at with regards for example, for peacekeeping training. It is an extensive series of classroom exercises, workshops as well as role-playing exercises that the peacekeepers go through that focus on human rights issues generally. But also focus on the issue of gender-sensitivity, how to address the question of gender-based violence.

You know, since 1997, we have trained about 75,000 peacekeepers, African peacekeepers. And according to our records, not one of those who have been trained, African peacekeepers who have been trained, have been implicated in any effort of gender-based violence themselves. So what we see is that the training that we offer the peacekeepers within ACOTA is actually working.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Assistant Secretary Brimmer, and Mr. Carter, there is understandably a lot of frustration that the U.N. peacekeeping force in Congo, MONUC, has not done enough to protect civilians. I was pleased when the Security Council authorized an additional 3,000 troops for MONUC. But it's my understanding now that six months later, those troops have still not arrived in Congo. Is that so, and if so, what is the hold up?

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, thank you very much for your question. If I may, indeed the last time that we renewed the mandate for MONUC, we did add important provisions which -- including the addition of the 3,000 odd forces that you mentioned.

Indeed, they have not yet arrived, they are expected to arrive in early June. In order -- because they are from several different countries, assembling them has taken additional time, but we will ensure that they'd be there within weeks, by the beginning of the next month.

SEN. FEINGOLD: And what practical protection mechanisms or resources would actually enhance MONUC's ability to protect? I understand they need greater intelligence support and helicopters to respond more rapidly to reported violence. But, for example, would the so-called foreign police units, like we have in Darfur, would those also be useful?

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, thank you. Indeed there are still additional assets that they would need and particularly the information would be an important element of that. Foreign police units do have the advantage that they receive, they actually are trained together, deploy as a unit, and are able to receive the additional training which we have discussed, separately, but may be an important element. However, the provision of foreign police units is -- it takes longer to put together. Not all countries are able to provide foreign police units, but they can come with additional and often higher skills than individual police elements.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Ambassador Verveer, what steps can the United States take to ensure that survivors of sexual and gender-based violence have access to justice and high level government officials and military personnel who are alleged to commit such crimes are prosecuted? And also, what about rebel leaders who -- how can we hold them to account if similar allegations exist?

MS. VERVEER: Well obviously, Senator, we have to do this on so many levels. And the top level is the level of political will and the kinds of diplomatic efforts that we make within the United Nations, and of course, in terms of our own bilateral relationships and with the groups -- other nations with whom we are working in the regions.

So, I think this has to be a foremost consideration and too frequently it is -- maybe the last box if it is checked at all, instead of an integrated top priority. I think that is -- are -- really been at the heart of our basic problem.

Secondly, with respect to bringing the kinds of assistance the women need in coping with the terrible traumas that they have endured, ranging from medical assistance to psychological assistance, but also beyond that to help record what has been happening to them to use that in a way that will be effective ultimately to get at the perpetrators of the crimes against them.

And to help build the kind of infrastructure, civil society infrastructure, that will enable the rule of law ultimately, to become a reality as opposed to impunity. But it's a lot that has to happen at one time on several levels. But I think first and foremost, the power is at the level of political power and that's what really is critical in terms of the ultimate outcomes.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Ambassador.

Senator Boxer.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you. I guess I will ask this of you, Ambassador Melanne. I can't call you with your last name.

The Associated Press tells us about an 11-month-old baby from Congo who was raped by a 22-year-old neighbor. We learned about a 4- year-old who was kidnapped by soldiers and gang-raped when her mother sent her across the road to borrow something from a neighbor. She was infected with HIV. We learn about a 12-year-old girl who was savagely raped by five soldiers, and after raping her, they left her destroyed with a foreign object inside her.

The article then goes on to say that a, Dr. Christophe Kinoma, is one of only two surgeons who perform the reconstructive operations in East Congo that may be able to mend the physical damage done.

Some 1,100 rapes are being reported each month, with an average of 36 women and children raped everyday. How is it possible that there are only two doctors in all of East Congo, given the scope of the crisis, and how can the U.S. help provide more health care, specialists, and surgeons to treat women in the Congo, and other countries where women are suffering from fistula, and other trauma.

MS. VERVEER: Thank you Senator for that question, and it's obviously a very severe problem, and one that requires greater resources. The United States has heretofore provided some resources in terms of assistance to medical institutions for fistula repair and for other kinds of health services. But it's obviously nowhere near what is overall required. And I think a concerted effort with our allies and others and the multilateral institutions to see what we can do to at least turn this immediate suffering around, as opposed to the longer-term consequences, which will take obviously longer to address.

But you have hit on something that is absolutely pressing. I know that you know Dr. Mukwege as well.

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MS. VERVEER: And I have sat with him and heard how really horrible the situation has become.

SEN. BOXER: Right.

MS. VERVEER: And we know it's not better. So we clearly have an obligation on us to try to do more with -- in terms of our own abilities to do that, and beyond, in terms of other donors.

SEN. BOXER: We need to get doctors there, okay. And we need to take the lead. You know, we have other countries that aren't friends of ours that send doctors all over the world.

We have the finest physicians, I know so many, and they would just do anything to help humanity like this. So it seems to me, and I'm so excited that our colleagues are going over there. Because maybe it's something you could explore on how we could help get doctors there, because when I first talked to Senator Feingold about this, you know, he's been on this for so long. And he looked at me and he said, "This is all part of the war, and that's why we got to end the war." Meantime, everyday rapes, and rapes, and rapes, so in the meantime, it seems to me, we need a short-term strategy, and a longer-term strategy.

And part of the short-term strategy is, let's relieve the suffering. And, of course, we want to stop those rapes now, tomorrow, yesterday. But at least let's have some physicians. So, I hope you'll take that back to the president, take it back to Secretary Clinton. And I would ask this of anyone on the panel.

MS. VERVEER: Senator, if I might.

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MS. VERVEER: I will personally commit to try to convene the important players in all of this, both on the inside and outside, so that we can begin to make some progress, better progress.

SEN. BOXER: That'd be wonderful, be wonderful.

In 1996, the U.N. General Assembly adopted resolution 1612 in which they established the special representative to the secretary general for children in armed conflict, to promote and protect the rights of children affected by armed conflict. I'm interested in exploring a similar position to address women who are caught in a conflict.

Now, this is interesting, colleagues, because the special representative for children works in coordination with the Security Counsel Working Group on Children, and they publish country-specific reports on children caught in armed conflict. And the report serves as triggers for actions; so they're just not reports that sit on the shelves. If they discover something they trigger action by the counsel and it puts, perhaps more important than that even, it puts public pressure on countries in conflict to halt violations against children.

So I'll give you an example. In the Central African Republic, the special representative for children used her statute to engage in discussions with the Popular Army for the Restoration of Democracy, the APRD. She was able to secure their commitment to release all children associated with their forces, this is progress. And what she said is, and this is quoting her, "When I go out into the field, there are armed groups who want to get off the list of shame that the U.N. Security Counsel resolution 1612 sets up for those who recruit and use child soldiers." Unquote.

So, would the U.S. support the establishment of a high profile position within the U.N. to address these issues, such as a special representative of the secretary general to address rape and other sexual violence against women? I'd ask anyone on the panel; Ambassador Verveer, or Ambassador Brimmer?

MS. VERVEER: Obviously, we would support the outcome of what you just described that works so well for the children in comparable situations. One of the issues right now, Senator, is that the United Nations is undergoing a process to reform the institution in terms of how to better respond to the whole range of women's issues in general at the United Nations, and to bolster the voice, structure the resources, the whole range of responses. And we would have to see, because obviously we want both. We want the reform to take place in a way that makes a difference, and we want the outcome you just described.

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

MS. VERVEER: So certainly, that's what -- we will be part of those discussions.

SEN. BOXER: Okay, well my subcommittee oversees our work at the U.N., so Ambassador Brimmer, if you would like?

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, thank you very much for that question. As Ambassador Verveer has mentioned that we're very interested in strengthening the mechanisms to deal with women's issues at the United Nations, and we want to look at what's the best way to do that.

To continue to have a high-profile attention and to see what we can do to increase attention here. How -- as you noted that the special representative for children in armed conflict actually provides us a mechanism also to address the very issues we're looking at today.

SEN. BOXER: Right.

MS. BRIMMER: One of the things the United States is trying to do is to expand the list of triggers that actually highlight issues for that particular special representative because that's an important vehicle. And we're trying to introduce these issues in all of the vehicles that exist in the U.N. system.

SEN. BOXER: Okay, I have one more question, but my time is out. And I'd rather just complete the circle on this. And my question, which I'll ask you to address in writing, deals with how are we helping to train the U.N. forces, because we know they've been -- it's been very problematical about what they do as well. So, I'm going to ask you that to answer in writing.

But I guess what I want to say to you, this is my last point, is a sense of urgency. And we -- you're new, you're all new, but you're not new to these issues. And I say grab hold of this. Because the thing is, there are things we could do tomorrow that aren't that complicated. It's not that complicated to replicate what the U.N. is doing for children.

We cannot wait. We cannot read another one of these stories. We cannot look at another one of these pictures. And I know that the administration, and the last one, you know, was very dedicated to doing something. But we know what works. And I think a couple of things we've discussed back and forth here, getting more doctors out there, getting a special person who is responsible for speaking out on this.

These are easy things and if I can do anything to help in my role here, and I know, I think I speak for everyone here, please let us know. Because we don't have time for the U.N. to get its act together on everything because they may never get their act together on everything. But they need to get their act together on this. Because it is a shame on the human race, simple as that. And take that message, and you can tell them that you got a couple of senators here that feel very strongly about this. And I thank you very much for this --

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Senator Boxer. Pleased to see Senator Kaufman here, and Senator Wicker, the ranking member of Senator Boxer's subcommittee has joined us. He's asked for unanimous consent that his statement be placed in the record. And for the sake of time, we thank him.

And now, we turn to Senator Isakson, for his round.

SEN. ISAKSON: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Ambassador Verveer, in your testimony you said, "Yet international efforts to address such violence, meaning rape, are often hindered by a lack of political will by assertions that the information is insufficient to warrant action." And going -- to that end you say, "The United States has passed resolutions in the U.N.," which you referred to, "that call upon states to take specific action toward ending the sexual violence.

"

With regard to the Sudan, what specific action have we called on the Khartoum government to implement?

MS. VERVEER: Perhaps my colleague would better address that.

MR. CARTER: In the context of our discussions with the situation in the Sudan, the emphasis has been in terms of resolving, trying to bring an end to the actual conflict in and of itself within Darfur, Senator.

And so our -- the concentration of our efforts, with the appointment of Scott Gration as the special envoy has been focusing on first, addressing the humanitarian situation, following the expulsion of 13 NGOs, trying to reinsert or restructure the humanitarian infrastructure that was damaged as a result of that expulsion, focusing on those issues to get humanitarian relief to Darfur, which has a bearing in terms of some of the services to women and children in that region.

And in addition to that, he's also been very active working with the international community to reinvigorate the Doha Peace Process, to bring steps towards a political settlement in the Darfur so that these fundamental issues of infrastructure development, and reconstruction, but also the issue of -- how can I put it -- addressing the question of impunity that has been exhibited over the past several years as a result of the conflict there to be addressed.

But at this stage the effort with the Khartoum government has been to stabilize the situation in Darfur, get ourselves on a peace process, and address the humanitarian crisis that exists there now.

SEN. ISAKSON: Well, on the subject of the humanitarian crisis, and with reference to the ambassador's statement about specific actions, have we made specific requirements, or has the U.N. made specific requirements of the Sudanese government with regard to protecting these NGOs and the delivery of humanitarian services?

Have we specifically asked them to do that, and have they denied they would or rejected it, or is there an accountability mechanism trough the U.N. we're trying to pursue with it?

MS. BRIMMER: Well, in terms of -- Senator, thank you for your question. I will address part of it from the U.N. point of view, you may want to -- my colleague may address it more particularly from our -- the issues from African issues.

I would say that in terms of dealing with the humanitarians issue situation in Sudan, we've been particularly concerned with trying to recover from the expulsion of the NGOs at the beginning of May, which was a serious setback, as we all now have seen the affects of that. And so, we've been working particularly with the U.N. agencies, which have been able to get back in to try to continue to provide some form of assistance. Because we're having to deal with Khartoum's egregious treatment of those people who are really dedicated to trying to bring humanitarian assistance. Thank you.

SEN. ISAKSON: On that, just one -- yes, sir. Go ahead.

MR. CARTER: Well, specifically, if you're asking what has the United Stated government done directly with the government of Khartoum on this issue, we have raised your specific point, Senator, with the government as particularly as the special envoy has looked to figure out all means by which to redress the problems following the expulsions of the 13 NGOs. And part and parcel of that is an agreement and an understanding from the government of Sudan that they must support these international NGOs' operations, not to harass them and all that kind of behavior that we've seen before.

Now, whether they honor the letter of those agreements is the question at hand, which requires continuing monitoring and surveillance on our part.

SEN. ISAKSON: Well, the reason I asked the question, Senator Corker and I are going there in about 10 days, and one of the requirements is that you have to spend one day with the Khartoum government before they let you go into Darfur and see what's really going on.

But we're going to be sitting there across the table, and I don't know at what level we're going to get to, but I would certainly like, and I think Senator Corker would like as well, to have as definitive a direction as we can as to what we can -- what we can tell that -- the Sudanese government what we expect of them, and the type of questions that would hold them accountable to the expectations of both these U.N. resolutions that the ambassador referred to.

So any information like that that you can get to us to allow the meeting -- we would like for our trip to be meaningful if for no other reason but to raise the awareness of our understanding of the issue, and this committee's understanding of the issue.

MR. CARTER: Senator, thank you for -- that is excellent. We will be happy to provide you with the appropriate information, as well as in terms of the kind of elements and points that we would -- that would help reinforce the efforts that we're making there as well to once again underscore with the government of Sudan that the issue of the humanitarian -- the humanitarian situation in Darfur, the treatment of these NGOs, as well as the support of the United Nations operations there is absolutely critical for the engagement with the international community in a broad way. We will provide that to you very, very soon, sir.

SEN. ISAKSON: I appreciate that. And if you need us to come meet with you, just let us know, Senator Corker and I both will come.

Well my last point is this, I was very pleased, as was Chairman Feingold with the appointment of Scott Gration as the -- General Gration as the special envoy of the Sudan. And I think it was particularly helpful that he's a two star general who's been in charge of logistics for the Air Force and DOD. And it sounds like logistics and strategy are pretty important in terms of protecting these NGOs to get the humanitarian aid to Darfur, so -- do you know if there have been any discussions yet with General Gration, or is he still in the process of assessing the situation on the ground in terms of securing those NGOs?

MR. CARTER: He's been -- this has been the centerpiece of some of his activity. And that he's -- in his first trip, he's made two trips there to the region. Yes, he's had these discussions directly with the authorities, he's worked with the United Nations operations in the field. He's had discussions with the neighborhood, so to speak, the governments of the surrounding areas as well as our development partners. He has also had discussions with the NGOs themselves.

So this is -- he accedes with this issue.

SEN. ISAKSON: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Senator Wicker.

SEN. ROGER WICKER (R-MS): Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Now, I'll be happy to defer.

SEN. ISAKSON: Thank you very much. I just have a very short -- one short question, okay. I really appreciate it. You know, these horrors, these stories are just so horrific, but you know, it's like an echo to me of what went on in Bosnia, when you read the stories about what happened during the genocide there. And it seems to me that more and more -- what you've described has kind of become the trademark of those involved in genocide. It isn't just killing people, but it's trying to make a permanent obliteration of what's going -- I just -- and too often these issues get, kind of, lumped with Africa, and I understand.

But is there anywhere, especially Ambassador Verveer, is there any place in the world, where we've been able to kind of control this kind of activity, or mitigate it, or do what Senator Boxer and others have said, where we've been successful in trying to stop this thing during a period of genocide, which it seems to me, we're going to have to be living with this for the next -- for the indefinite future, am I wrong about that?

MS. VERVEER: I don't know if you're wrong about it, I hope you're wrong about it. But I think, where we have been able to work to build civil society in ways that can operate to have the kind of social infrastructure that will keep a lot of the worst from happening. We are in a much better situation. And that's why it's so important when you've got these really failed situations, with no institutions working. And with no recourse whether in terms of the political institutions or the civil society undergirding that's when we have the real serious problems.

But if we were to build that and see these as long-term investments, we would be in a far different place from where we are in too many of these places. And I think, we know that investing in women in particular has those kinds of really positive impacts. So, I would hope that we would look at this less as a marginal issue at the early stages and then get to the point, where we are today, where we've got these situations that are unspeakable. But what could we have been doing a lot earlier to ameliorate some of this, than to bring us to where we are today.

So, I think, it speaks to the longer-term smartness, if you will, about how we conduct our foreign policy, the kind of investments we make in development, and our diplomatic investments. But in the long term it pays off. Otherwise, we're going to find ourselves in more and more of these situations. And as I have heard many senators talk about the fact that when, you know, you get into a situation where we wonder what the prospects are for the United States in terms of the ill will towards us, a lot of it comes out of really messy situations on the ground, without the vibrant civil society, without institutions that function. And I think we need to do a lot more to invest in that because it is a long-term critical investment.

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, if could --

SEN. ISAKSON: Yes.

MS. BRIMMER: Thank you for the question. If I may, I would just like to highlight a particular example, the case of Liberia. A country which suffered, unfortunately, years of violence against civilians, yet there was positive engagement both by Liberians and by the international community, including a peacekeeping operation.

And there now, we have an elected government headed by a woman. Our ambassador there is a woman. The one special representative to the secretary general there is a woman. And this is also a case where the issues confronting women were a particular part of the engagement by the international community.

Earlier, the chairman had asked me about foreign police units. Liberia actually was a place where the special unit, all female unit from India was deployed. IT has actually inspired Liberian women themselves to pursue careers in law enforcement. So there are some cases where long-term commitment and engagement has really made a difference.

SEN. ISAKSON: Chairman Boxer, you know, this would be a good hearing; how prevention and how diplomacy and economic development helps in the rule of law affects all these issues that we deal with, and how important these are. And I want to thank Senator Wicker for allowing me to ask my question. I appreciate it.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Senator Wicker.

SEN. WICKER: Thank you very much. I understand that in the opening statements the role of U.N. peacekeepers has been touched on. And I'd like to explore that topic a little more and -- perhaps I'll be repeating myself, but let me just observe that it is indeed hard to believe, in 2009, there's a necessity for having a hearing such as this.

And I think we can all speak in one voice that rape, as a weapon of policy, is completely -- has always been completely unacceptable. But certainly, in this day and age, we should have a plan and a policy. And an action plan to make sure that we're actually making some progress.

Let me specifically mention that that the U.N. mission to the Congo was established in 1999. It deployed some 10,800 peacekeepers from 50 countries. And in 2004, Secretary General Kofi Annan was forced to admit that there had been cases of this U.N. peacekeeping force sexually violating the refugees who were supposed to be under the protection of the force.

Indeed, there had been prior allegations of U.N. peacekeepers sexually exploiting their charges. But this was the first instance in which widespread evidence was available, of peacekeeper misconduct. One common allegation is that these U.N. peacekeepers would rape a refugee and then later supply that refugee with food so as to make the act appear to be an act of prostitution rather than rape.

A number of the allegations were that the rapes were perpetrated against children. And in fact, Amnesty International told The Christian Science Monitor, and I quote, "The issue with the U.N. is that peacekeeping operations unfortunately seem to be doing the same thing that other militaries do. Even the guardians have to be guarded." Unquote. Now, this is an older allegation, admittedly.

But I just wonder is our government satisfied that the United Nations has adequately addressed this question, that they've gone back and as a United Nations governance made sure that this has been addressed. And that the -- that we've received ground truth concerning what actually happened. And that there has been a plan adopted to make sure that at least U.N. peacekeepers, the folks doing the guarding, are not the perpetrators of this ancient kind of abuse and torture?

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, thank you for that question. Indeed, any such issue is one incident too many. And the situations you've described are indeed troubling. However, I should note that there's been an important sea change in the approach to these issues at the United Nations. And that member states, with the United States in the lead, have made important changes in how the United Nations addresses these issues, and in particular in the case of MONUC, the operation in Congo. The figures you cited --

SEN. WICKER: Well, MONUC is the French acronym for these --

MS. BRIMMER: For those operations --

SEN. FEINGOLD: -- peacekeepers in the Congo.

MS. BRIMMER: For the peacekeepers in the Congo.

The situation you described in 2004 was indeed serious. And this has taken the attention seriously of the Security Council. In the most recent renewal of the Security Council mandate for that operation in December, there was an explicit emphasis on sexual violence, on trying to address this situation.

And we need to differentiate between the peacekeepers and the actions by the peacekeepers and the actions by others in Congo. In terms of the peacekeepers, their mission now -- the primary mission now is civilian protection.

And there has been important efforts to work on the training of the peacekeepers -- extensive training before they go in country and once they are in country. The resolution --

SEN. WICKER: If I could interrupt, is it the official position of the United Nations now that the acts did indeed occur and that regrettably they were perpetrated in part by persons there under the auspices of the United Nations?

MS. BRIMMER: In terms of the incident in 2004, I would have to go back and look at -- as I was not addressing it specifically myself -- I would want to go back and look specifically at the incidents you raised in 2004 and get back to you regarding those particular allegations.

I was going to comment on the more recent activities. In particular, we have noted that currently now, in the peacekeeping operation, there are about 18,400 peacekeepers currently out in Congo.

Of those we have noticed a decline in the reported incidents. I should say that we also -- are trying to encourage the reporting in the first place because we want to have that quick reporting.

In 2007, there were 48 cases and in 2008 there were 38 cases so far. Any case is too many. But I would say that now there is a more organized effort to try to have adequate reporting and to deal with the cases that come up and I should say that the mandate for the operation in Congo also requires the secretary general of the United Nations to report explicitly on sexual violence issues when reviewing the peacekeeping mandate.

In terms of looking ahead, the mandate will be renewed again, if appropriate, in December. Comes up for December of 2009. Again, we'll be looking very seriously at these issues and how the peacekeeping operation addresses these issues at the time of the mandate renewal.

SEN. WICKER: Thank you.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Senator. Let me just add obviously, this is a serious concern with regard to any misconduct by U.N. troops, and when I was in Eastern Congo, I did speak to the Pakistani troops about an incident involving them.

But I do want to say it is only because of MONUC. Only because of the U.N. peacekeepers, Pakistanis, the Indians, the Moroccans and others, and our own former ambassador of the Congo who is head of the MONUC at the time, Ambassador Bill Swing that I was able to go and meet these women and have a private meeting and learn of this tragedy. So this has to be fixed. Any misconduct has to be fixed, but let's not have any confusion coming out of this hearing that the issue that we -- that founded this has to do with rape and other conduct being used essentially as a form of genocide or war and that is not something that the -- in my view the U.N. peacekeepers can be fairly lumped in with, as serious as it is.

I do not want to undercut how important it is that we have something like MONUC in order to provide us the ability to simply get in there and try to do the kind of things that Senator Boxer is particularly talking about, so thank you for raising that issue.

Senator Corker.

SEN. CORKER: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your testimony. I'm -- as anybody would be, I'm incredibly troubled at every level at what is happening. I guess, I want to understand if, you know, the issue seems so huge, where do you start to have impact in knowing that probably during this hearing -- not probably -- that knowing that during this hearing it is happening right now as we're sitting on this panel and somebody else is being affected for life.

My understanding is the biggest impact we could have is to end the conflict, is that correct? That is the most major impact, so obviously, as we step down and we know this conflict has been going on for some time. And certainly, I don't think enough has been done at any level to try to end it. But so, so as we step down then I guess the cooperation internationally through the U.N. is the next level, is that correct, of impact?

And so -- I see you nodding -- I don't want to waste time with that answer since it seems to be unanimous, but the U.N. seems to be divided always. You know there is some member or a state or a country that keeps us from taking effective action.

You know if you didn't have the U.N. you had to create one, but because of these divisions it seems that we are very ineffective at that level. Is there anything about this issue that divides the UN?

Are there member countries that look at this or look at our -- trying to action against this that create resistance within the U.N. that calls it not to take the actions or be as effective as could be. Is there any division inside of the U.N. as it relates to this issue?

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, thank you, thank you for that question about the approaches at the U.N. I do not see such divisions. What I notice is that the U.N. has been trying very much to work on the -- on both aspects of this question.

Both making sure that peacekeepers in the field who are absolutely vital to the -- trying to help achieve long-term peace that they receive adequate training in the field and there are adequate reporting mechanisms. That's one aspect. But then the real perpetrators are not the peacekeepers. And the question there is --

SEN. CORKER: No, no, no but as far as working, or the member countries there is no division, there are no countries in this world that are resistant to us addressing this issue?

MS. BRIMMER: Also I see strong support for addressing this issue in many parts of the U.N.

SEN. CORKER: Are there any parts of the U.N. that resist it that is the question.

MS. BRIMMER: But I do not see at this point areas which are causing significant resistance. I think -- but there are always more things we can do to always improve attention to this issue.

SEN. CORKER: So stepping down from there it seems to me then the thing that we can do to those -- with those who've been affected, is to have effective programs to deal with those people that have already been affected, is that correct?

MS. BRIMMER: Well --

SEN. CORKER: And in it -- it's you know we have this massive PEPFAR program that seems to be having positive effect I know last year we were able to get an amendment and to deal with male norms. In many countries, you know, that even acknowledging that AIDS is an issue, HIV is an issue is hard to do.

Is there anything programmatically that we might think about as it relates to PEPFAR and the way we've approached the issue there that might be applicable in these countries, the Congo, Sudan, and other places that that might be effective. Is there anything there that --

MR. CARTER: Senator, thank you for that question. The issue here is what can we do bilaterally with the kind of programs that we have in place to address the impact. There is unanimous-ness in terms of prevention, but response to some of the challenges that this issue faces on local populations.

With USAID there has been a -- for example in the Congo, where the last few years that we spent about $10 million looking at the kind of medical treatment and dealing with about 100,000 survivors in the Congo with AID resources in terms of the health infrastructure, in terms of providing health services at the local level.

We have ongoing programs with various groups in the Congo with USAID resources to address -- to mitigate the impact of rape, to address some of the medical conditions that are there.

More needs to be done in that sector for sure, but if you're looking at kind of a institutional structure like PEPFAR to address this issue, I have to say that that would be a major challenge given that the circumstances that we see for example, in Darfur versus the scope of the problem that we see in Eastern Congo or other parts would be -- make it difficult to create an institutional response that fits each specific country.

I think what we need to have is an integrated approach with -- unity of government approach to the question, but as well one that is an international approach with our donor partners. There's not one country that can move on this issue alone, for example.

SEN. CORKER: Is there -- I know we had the NGO issue in Khartoum, but is there a direct resistance to any country trying to work within Sudan to try to deal with this issue by the government of Khartoum. Is there a direct resistance to that?

MR. CARTER: Well, I mean, we have seen in terms of this specific issue, I can't speak to that I have to get back to you, but generally, with regard to the NGOs themselves. I mean, there the government itself has been resistant and has put up obstacles to almost the entire humanitarian network that is operating in Darfur both in the context of health services, but food delivery of the United Nations program. So I mean, if you're looking at where has there been significant resistance, I would say it is in Khartoum itself.

SEN. CORKER: To this specific issue or just all NGOs?

MR. CARTER: I think it's -- I would say global and if you want to fold this under that I would say that as well.

SEN. CORKER: I just -- we have contacted organizations that are dealing with the women that have been violated in this way and we read stories about what happens after the fact and many of them living by themselves off -- away from their families.

It just -- I know we'll know a lot more when we return in a couple of weeks but it just is beyond fathomable to me that as Senator Boxer mentioned that we have two physicians.

That we don't have people funded to deal with the psychological issues. That we don't have people in place to deal with the aftermath of this tragedy and I just, it's just beyond belief to me that something that has to have universal offense to every living human being we have not mobilized more resources, to at the very least deal with the victims after the fact.

The other issues, I know, are complex. I realize that there are many victims beyond what we're talking about as it relates to the entire conflict and I know that it is going to take years for us to solve that but I am just baffled that we have not mobilized greater resources. I would love to have any comments. I know my time is up.

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, I think you're exactly right about that as Senator Boxer also mentioned in terms of the lack of physicians to deal with this problem. You know there are any number of assistance programs. They are not adequate obviously to the task.

Much of the assistance we're doing, is it enough? Certainly not in terms of what is required. But what we are doing goes to the heart of what you're describing needs to be done. But there are just so much more that needs to be done than is adequately being meet and I think that's an issue here on the table.

The resources to really get at some of this in a much broader, deeper, extensive way than we are currently doing. We as the United States, the multilateral organizations, the other partners that we have around the globe, countries that are participating in humanitarian assistance, we need to do more. And there is no disagreement on that.

SEN. CORKER: Thank you for your testimony.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Senator Corker.

Senator Shaheen.

SEN. JEANNE SHAHEEN (D-NH): Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I apologize for missing what I know was very compelling testimony, and you may have answered this question already, but if you were going to -- I know you said that ending the conflict in Darfur and in Congo would be the most important thing. But short of that, what's the one single change effort that can make the most difference. You talked about resources. Is it just resources or is --

MS. BRIMMER: I think, Senator, it's protecting those who are in the path of these horrors that are being perpetrated. We just have to do a better job because these are occurring when women go to market.

They are occurring where they congregate more. They are occurring where there is regularized activities that they have to perform and often times they are in the path of attacks that result in the kinds of things that we're discussing.

So I think the protection issue is an absolutely critical issue. There are so many other pieces to this and we really need the broad integrated approach, clearly. But in terms of saving lives as we sit here that is critical, because you can't save lives unless the vulnerable can be protected from those who are attacking them.

SEN. SHAHEEN: Thank you. It seems to me that perhaps we do have a window of opportunity here given the number of women who now are in positions of power in the United States whether it's Secretary Clinton or Senator Boxer who are pointedly calling attention to these tragedies that hopefully, we will take this opportunity to address it. So, thank you.

MS. BRIMMER: Senator, if I might on that point relate it to women in these conflict zones, there are so many women who are victims clearly and their plight has been on our table today. But there are so many community leaders, peace leaders, activists who are well trained, who know what's going on, who are committed to a resolution.

And I think one of the things this discussion has to be about to get at some of the things, for example, Senator Corker that you have been mentioning, is to ensure that these women are part of the decision making processes, that they are in the peace negotiations, that they are part of the rebuilding.

The outcomes, whether it's their human rights or whether it's their future security are going to be dependent on whether or not they participate in this. We've seen this in other peace processes. If they are not at the table, it is unlikely that the outcomes, as much as we want the peace, will be as good for them.

Because long after the guns are put down the violence against women can continue. So, they have to be part of the solution and that's why this whole issue of Resolution 1325 is so critical to get more engagement and recognition on the part of the decision makers, to have the political will, if you will, to really ensure that women are going to be at the table.

SEN. SHAHEEN: Well, thank you very much for again reiterating that point and I hope -- would hope that all of us, those of you who are headed to this part of the world would raise that issue whenever we have the opportunity with both the leaders in the countries affected, with our own military leaders, and with the decision-making apparatus in this country.

Thank you.

SEN. FEINGOLD: Thank you, Senator Shaheen.

That concludes our first panel and I'll shortly be turning the gavel over to Senator Boxer for purposes of the second panel. We will, as I understand it, shortly be having three votes in a row, so if some senators are not here for a while, that is not out of a lack of interest. It's because we have to go and do our job and vote. But I will be back as soon as I possibly can, and Senator Boxer, I turn it over to you.

SEN. BOXER: That's the first panel. First, we say thank you very, very much. We'll be following up on all these matters. We'll ask the second panel, as quickly as they can, to take their seats because my plan is to start us off.

We'll first hear from Eve Ensler and we'll go from there -- when we have to take a break we will have to take about a half-hour break. So at this point, if I can encourage the panel -- and our staff is putting down the name tags. (Sounds gavel.)

Sorry to be so insistent with the gavel, but because the vote hasn't started yet so we would like to get as many panelists in with their five minutes. Now, I'm going to cut you off at five, okay. You've got the little clocks there, so we will put your entire statement in the record and we're going to hear from Eve Ensler.

Ms. Ensler has devoted her life to stopping violence envisioning, as her website states, a planet in which women and girls would be free to thrive rather than merely survive. She is the author of the critically acclaimed play "The Vagina Monologues" which inspired her to create V-Day, a global movement to stop violence against women and girls.

She has raised $60 million helping countless women across the globe. As you'll hear, Ms. Ensler is particularly passionate about stopping sexual violence against women in the Democratic Republic of Congo. So why don't you start, Eve, and then we'll go one by one, and I'll introduce each of you before you speak. Go right ahead.

MS. ENSLER: Good afternoon. I am here on behalf of countless V- Day activists worldwide, and in solidarity with my sisters and brothers in the Congo who demand an end to rape, and war and justice.

I thank you very much for the opportunity to testify today, and for your commitment to violence and ending violence against women and girls. I am here because you, the United States government, are the most powerful government.

You have great influence in the Great Lakes region.

I would like to believe it can be your legacy to inspire and provoke the world community to put an end to the worst femicide on the planet.

My play, "The Vagina Monologues" opened my eyes to the world inside this world. Everywhere I traveled with it scores of women lined up to tell me of their rapes, incest, beatings, mutilations.

It was because of this that we started V-Day, 11 years ago, a worldwide movement to end violence against women. And it has spread in the 11 years to 130 countries. I have visited and revisited the rape mines of the world, from defined war zones like Bosnia, Haiti, and Afghanistan, to the domestic battlegrounds in colleges and communities throughout North America, Europe and the world.

My inbox and heart have been jammed with stories every hour of every day for the last decade. I am here to tell you that nothing I have heard or seen compares with what is going on in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Where corporate greed fueled by capitalist consumption and the rape of women have merged into a single nightmare. Where femicide, the systematic and planned destruction of the female population is being used as a tactic of war to clear villages, pillage minds and destroy the fabric of Congolese society.

Women's bodies are the battleground of an economic war. In 12 years, 6 million are dead, 1.4 million displaced, hundreds and thousands of women have been raped and tortured; babies as young as 6 months old, women as old as 80s their insides torn apart.

What I have witnessed in the DRC frankly, has shattered me and changed me forever. I will never be the same. I hope none of us will ever be the same. I think of Beatrice, who was shot in her vagina, who now has tubes instead of organs. Honorata who was raped by gangs as she was tied upside down on a wheel. Sowadi, who was raped and raped and forced to eat dead babies.

Noella, who is my heart, an eight-year-old girl who was raped for two weeks as groups of grown men raped her over and over. Now, she has a hole inside her, a fistula from all the things that were shoved into her. Now, she urinates and defecates on herself and lives a life of humiliation. So young, she didn't even know what a penis was.

There is something sinister afoot. I was there in Bosnia in 1994 when it was discovered that there were rape camps where white women in Europe were being raped. Within two years I witnessed adequate intervention. Yet in the DRC the femicide has continued for 12 years. Why?

Is it that coltan, the mineral that keeps our cell phones and computers in play, is more important than Congolese girls? Is it flat-out racism? The world's utter indifference and disregard for black people and black women in particular. Or is it simply that the U.N. and most governments are run by men who have never known what it feels like to have a bayonet shoved up their vagina.

What is happening in the DRC is the most brutal rampant violence towards women in the world. If it continues to go unchecked, if there continues to be complete impunity it sets a precedent, it expands the boundaries of what is now permissible to do to women's bodies in the name of exploitation and greed everywhere.

Frankly, it's cheap warfare. Women in the Congo -- and I have spent a great deal of time with them, I have been there three times in the last 18 months -- are simply the strongest, the most gorgeous resilient women in the world. They need protection.

I ask you to fund a training program for Congolese women police officers. Do something for this sector so they can develop the right to defend themselves in a legal way. Address our role in plundering minerals and demand that companies trace the routes of these minerals. Make sure we are making and selling rape-free products.

Put pressure on Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and all the countries in the Great Lakes region to sit down with all the militias involved in this conflict and find political solutions.

I'm here to tell you that military solutions are no longer an option. All they do is bring about more raping. Most of all, I urge you to support the women. The women in the Congo are the future. They are at the center of the horror and they have to be at the center of the solutions and peace negotiations.

Supply funds for women's medical, psychological care, and economic empowerment. Women are the future of the DRC and they are her greatest resource.

I'm sad to say that we are not the first to testify. Dr. Mukwege, who was my dear friend and colleague, was here a year-and-a- half ago, and he was here with me for February touring America for a month.

When he returned, as we've heard today, there have been 1,100 women who have been raped each month since January since this new incursion, this successful incursion was started. Dr. Mukwege returns, his first patient was a 9-year-old girl who was missing her anus and her vagina. That was what he returned to. And every single day since he has returned he has operated 10 hours a day on girls.

We have to do more and I urge you, the United States government, we can make a huge difference if there is a will. There needs to be a will. Let the Congo be the place where we end femicide. Let it be the template, let it be the place where we outline what the future will look like when we stop eviscerating women's bodies, whether it be floggings in Pakistan, or horrible rape laws in Afghanistan, or the ongoing rapes in Darfur and Haiti and in Zimbabwe.

Let the Congo be the place where women are finally cherished and life affirmed, where the humiliation and subjugation ended, where women take their rightful agency over their bodies, their land, and their country. Thank you very much.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you, Eve, for your passion.

(Applause)

Thank you.

MS. AHMADI: Good afternoon, everybody --

SEN. BOXER: Let me introduce you first, okay?

MS. AHMADI: Okay.

SEN. BOXER: I want to give you the introduction you deserve.

MS. AHMADI: Okay, okay.

SEN. BOXER: Next we will hear from Neimat Ahmadi. Ms. Ahmadi fled Northern Darfur in '05 after two assassination attempts on her life by the Sudanese government, before fleeing Darfur, Ms. Ahmadi spent much of her time advocating for the rights and protection of women.

Welcome. Go right ahead.

MS AHMADI: Thank you.

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Senator Barbara and Senator Feingold for bringing this devastated issue of sexual gender-based violence to the attention of the United States government and all of those who concerned about women issues in Darfur, Congo and elsewhere in the world.

I'm here today because what is taking place in Darfur, I witnessed and seen and I have lived it. And my heart is broken that is why I use my voice to speak on their behalf. As I speak to you today the situation in Darfur is really grave and the suffering of our people has gone too long. As a Darfuri woman who was forced to flee the current genocide in Darfur, I feel sometimes that I have left my people behind. I am always overwhelmed and often ashamed because that is why I use my voice on their behalf.

Myself, and many other women have been threatened, harassed, and tortured, and forced to leave our beloved homeland leaving behind our families and friends, and million other women continue to endure an unimaginable pain. Sadly, in the recent history and in the current crisis in Darfur, war is too often fought on women's bodies.

In Darfur, where the slaughter continues for about six years and more, women are the most common targets. Women and children make up the overwhelming majority of those whom living in the internal displaced camps, which is estimated about 80 percent.

Every week, hundreds of innocent people in Darfur, especially, children, women, and the elderly losing their lives or are forcibly displaced from their villages. Countless of women and girls continue to face brutal rape, humiliation, beating, starvation and diseases on a daily basis. I will never forget the stories of so many women. Mariam, who was from Mayela village came to -- her mom carrying her in her back after she was raped by three men.

And she had to make the decision either to leave her because of the stigma or to bring her to get treatment and then she can be able to save her life. While they are coming as soon as she arrives to Kupkavia (ph) she was bleeding and she went on coma.

She made that decision she was thinking of bringing her daughter, because her dad killed in the same day. And she was bringing her to help her, to treat her, and get her more education so that she can be able to support herself. No one can support her in our community because she thinks they consider her as spoiled.

I will never forget eight young girls in Tavila (ph) hospital. They are just children and they have children as a result of rape. And they refuse to breastfeeding them. And we try to help them to accept that, they said, no, when they are raping us telling us you slaves, be happy, now you will be getting a new Arab child. That's why this child, if we help them and raise them they will come again and fought against our -- fight against our people.

The rape that's used in Darfur is not something that happen as a product of attacks or uncontrollable troops. It is systematic; it is well-planned and orchestrated in a calculation to destroy our community. Women are raped when they are attacking their villages, when they flee their homes seeking a safe refuge and when they -- while they are living in the internal displaced camps even when guns are stopped, rape is not stopped at all.

Sadly, despite the magnitude of the crisis in Darfur and the magnitude of the suffering of those women, the issue of sexual violence and gender-based violence is -- they have -- little has been done to address the issue of sexual violence, especially, rape. There is no proper studies conducted to find the impact of the sexual violence on women and girls. There is not enough trauma counseling and/or psychosocial support or treatment for these rape victims. There is not any knowledge about women HIV status in Darfur.

There is no support even the U.N. Security Council and U.N. campaign for "Stop Rape." They announced that more than 100 women are raped on most of the days. But nothing was done. Sudan government continues to obstruct any attempt to put an end to the suffering of our people. The United Nations and African Union Mission is failing to protect our people in Darfur.

SEN. BOXER: (Cross talk) -- Neimat to finish, because our next witness flew in from the Congo, and I want to get her in before we go to vote. So if you could conclude, I'd appreciate it.

Ms. AHMADI: Thank you so much. I'll just call upon you to jointly to call on the United States government to take serious step to stop the violence against women. For Darfuri women to be safe only Janjawid, if they are disarmed and the government army are distanced from the place where civilians and women are living in the internal displaced camps.

And protection and engendering the UNAMID troops, this also should be in place, designing special projects, and education for Darfuri women, and empowerment of women. And we will appreciate if you will include my testimony in your record.

SEN. BOXER: Oh, absolutely, we will. But we just -- we want to hear from Chouchou Nabintu. Chouchou, currently runs a radio program in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which she uses to combat violence against women, especially, in rural areas. She's the founder of the South Kivu Women's Media Association. In '07 she brought the plight of Congolese women to the international stage pleading the case of Kivu's women at the International Court of Justice. She also recently won the Vital Voices Global Leadership Award for her work in fighting injustice against women.

So we're going to hear from her and then we're going to go vote and we will be back in about 25 minutes after that.

So please go right ahead, Chouchou, welcome.

MS. NABINTU: Thank you for having -- thank you for having this important hearing. I am grateful for the invitation to be here. The women of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have waited a long time for American policy-makers to take an interest in this situation. I thank Vital Voices Global Partnership for their commitment to empowering women around the world and for their support of the women of the Congo.

Rape and sexual violence is used as a weapon and tactic of war to destroy the community. The South Kivu Women's Media Association is the voice of thousands of voiceless women. We use radio to give them the space to express what has happened to them, begin their healing and to seek justice. We have interviewed over 400 women in South Kivu, and their stories are terrifying. In fact, the word "rape" fails to truly describe what is happening, because it is not only rape that occurs, but atrocities also accompany the rapes.

That is what makes the situation in the eastern Congo so different, and horrible. Of all the testimonies we recorded there are two that stay in my mind that I will share with you. I met a woman who had five children and was raped. They took her into the forest with her five children, and kept them there for several days. As each day passed the rebels killed one of her children and forced her to eat her child's flesh. She begged to be killed but they refused and said, "No, we can't give you a good death."

Last month, after the joint operation between the Congolese army and the Rwandese army to break down the FDLR, in their running away they raped more women. And our journalists were told that after they raped the women, they put fuel in their vaginas and set on fire, and then extinguished the fire. This was done not to kill them, but to let them suffer. There were many other horrible atrocities.

But why? Why such atrocities? Why do they fight -- why do they fight their war on women's -- why? Why do they fight on women's bodies? It is because there is a plan to put fear in the community through the woman, because she is the heart of the community. When she is pushed down, the whole community follows.

We also ask, why the silence of the developed countries? When a gorilla is killed in the mountains, there is an outcry, and people mobilize great resources to protect the animals. Yet more than five hundred thousand women have been raped, and there is a silence. After all this you will make memorials and say "Never Again." But we don't -- we don't want commemorations; we want you to act now, now, please.

There are six actions that I request of you to help end this situation. The first need of the women is security and peace. Rape is not peace. Rape is just like a gun, to show the force of the rebel groups. We ask for your involvement to station -- and from -- peace- makers women -- to protect women in the rural areas. In the Congo, we believe that there will be security when the FDLR returns to Rwanda.

One -- there are war broken down in Congo, the one alibi they use, the presence of the FDLR. That's why I ask the American government to involve politically by pressuring the Rwandan government to accept their return back and to begin dialog with the rebels, the FDLR, so that they stop fighting their war in our country and on women's bodies.

We need strong justice to end impunity on rape and sexual violence. We ask the U.S. to join us in pressuring the Congolese government to stop giving amnesty to rebels who use rape as their war strategy. The American and Congolese governments should request International Criminal Court arrest warrants for the Congolese and Rwandan rebel leaders. We also ask you to pressure the International Criminal Court to include rape and sexual violence in the charges filed against the war criminals.

Finally, we ask for assistance to pursue the legal reform needed in Congo to end impunity for rape and sexual violence in war. We need zero tolerance on rape and sexual violence at all levels of the justice system. We ask that the American government and the U.S. multinational corporations contribute financially to the recovery and healing of the women and the communities, because your economy benefits from the minerals of the Congo. The women and families need medical and psychological services to heal from the trauma to their bodies and minds.

There are also children born of rape who live as orphans, because the community has rejected them and sees them as "ticking bombs" who will grow up to become like the rebels. These women and children are left with nothing. Another part of this recovery is to help Congo to strengthen the formal economy in the eastern provinces, and end the profitability of blood minerals.

We ask that you work with the U.S. multinational corporations to develop ways to ensure that Congolese minerals imported to the U.S. are "conflict-free" and that the security, infrastructure and capacity and of the eastern provinces is built up through this investment. Economic recovery is part of the total recovery of the women and their communities.

Lastly, I would like for the U.S. to have an increased presence in the eastern Congo. Toward that end, I invite the American government and the private sector to send a delegation to the east to see the reality on the ground and explore ways to improve security and promote the formal economy. Having a presence in the east would also allow the U.S. government to have a better sense of what is happening in the area and would help the U.S. to be a better advocate for women and families.

I'd like to conclude by expressing our hope for the future. There are many people and organizations in the eastern Congo working tirelessly for peace, justice, and healing. This good work can be more effective and help even more people, if we have the support we are requesting. The women of Congo want to work with you, and we need your support to stand with dignity. We want to empower Congolese women. Stand with us, and help us to heal our nation. Thank you for your attention.

(Applause)

SEN. BOXER: Chouchou, I think you have to know, all of you in the panel and we will come back and hear our remaining two speakers, that in the Senate today the silence on this issue has ended. And in the Senate today across party lines we hear you very clearly. And we're going to do some things here that you're suggesting, and that Eve has suggested, and all of our panelists have suggested. So, we'll come back and we'll hear from our last two important speakers.

And then I hope you can all stay because we will have questions. So thank you so much. This has probably been one of the most difficult hearings that I've ever had the privilege to chair. And I'm so ashamed of the human race sometimes, when they get lost, and I didn't do enough in the past. And so I pledge to you that I, just me, just this voice is going to be heard. And I know I speak for others on this committee and off this committee. So we'll take about a 25- minute break and we'll be back. We stand in recess. (Sounds gavel.)

(Recess.)

SEN. BOXER: The committee will come to order. We obviously, had a very important and emotional hearing. And we want to thank all of you for your contribution. And I've been talking to senators on the floor about this as we were voting for three different votes. And people are very interested and they want to engage and especially, the women senators and several of the men. So I feel really good that already you're making a difference with your voices. So we are now going to hear from Robert Warwick.

Mr. Warwick is the executive director of U.S. programs at the International Rescue Committee's Baltimore office. He has worked with IRC. His work with the IRC has included posts as the country director for Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo programs, as interim country director for Uganda, as well as country director for Eritrea, and Northeast Sudan programs. Prior to that he served as the country director for the American Refugee Committee in Rwanda and Mozambique. In 1992, Robert founded the Malawi Girls' Education Program, which he continues to oversee today.

So we really welcome you and please proceed.

MR. WARWICK: Madame Chairman, thank you. Let me begin by saying that I appreciate the opportunity to testify on the issue of gender- based violence in the Congo and Sudan. I represent and speak from the perspective of a U.S.-based relief agency that has prioritized the problem of violence against women and girls. In my oral testimony I'd like to briefly address the issue of sexual and other grave forms of violence.

First, I will provide the primary causes and enabling factors for gender-based violence. Second, I'll share IRC's experiences in combating this problem in a conflict setting in Congo. Third, I will discuss IRC's experiences in a post-conflict setting in Southern Sudan. And finally, I will propose key steps the United States must take to address these problems.

First, the primary causes and enabling factors for gender-based violence. Violence against women and girls occurs in the family and community before, during and after conflict, where it is often hidden and accepted due to social and cultural attitudes and beliefs that condone and perpetuate it. While the underlying cause of gender-based violence is unequal power, other factors perpetuate it. These include systems of traditional male authority, cultures of silence, conflict, and displacement.

During conflict the sexual violence is both a tactic of warfare, and a consequence of conflict and displacement. They often go hand- in-hand. The systematic use of rape in war has many purposes, including ethnic cleansing, humiliation, and control and domination of select groups. To put it bluntly, it is domination through sexual terror.

This tactic of warfare is effective. It produces unwanted children, spreads disease, and leaves an imprint on the individual and collective psyche that is difficult to erase. Vulnerable women and children make up the majority of the world's displaced. Daily necessary tasks such as firewood and water collection or farming are typically the work of women. Sexual assault of women and girls engaged in foraging for wood and water has become commonplace.

The end of conflict does not mean the end of gender-based violence. Once having escaped the conflict women may be forced to exchange sex for survival and protection of their children. Because of insecurity, shame or simply because services do not exist survivors of sexual violence can often wait for weeks, months, and even years to seek services or to tell their story.

My second point, sexual violence in a conflict setting in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the IRC response. Since August 2008, an estimated 250,000 people have been displaced due to escalating violence in eastern Congo. During this time, women continue to care for families and face tremendous risks. IRC has implemented GBV programs in over 20 conflicts around the world and in our experience Congo is one of the cruelest conflict zones in the world for women and girls.

IRC program worldwide aim to meet the safety, health, psychosocial, and justice needs of women and girls who are survivors of, or vulnerable to gender-based violence. In eastern Congo, access to support and life saving services to help women heal and recover from incidents of sexual violence are lacking. Many health facilities are ill-equipped, trained health staff are few in number, and stocks of life saving treatments are inadequate.

In Congo, since 2003, the IRC has assisted more than 40,000 survivors of sexual violence. This has been achieved in partnership with women's organizations and Congolese aid organizations. IRC has identified risks linked to women's movement on roads, where armed groups frequently use illegal checkpoints to tax civilians.

If unable to pay checkpoint taxes when returning from the fields, women are beaten and often raped. Survivors of sexual violence seems tainted and damaged, facing increasing abuse in their homes, and with no other means of survival, may be forced to exchange sex for food or money.

My third point, sexual violence in a post-conflict setting in southern Sudan.

Although signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 brought an end to the fighting in southern Sudan, violence has continued. Qualitative research conducted by the IRC in southern Sudan revealed the following.

Women and girls were targeted throughout and immediately following the war, and continued to be affected by violence today. Women typically have considered domestic violence to be a normal part of a marriage. The only incidents reported on local -- to local authorities are those resulting in severe injury or death.

Early and forced marriage is common. One 14-year-old girl explained how her husband was chosen for her, saying "If you refuse the man that is chosen, you should be beaten and taken to that man, by any means, whether you want it or not."

Economic violence in form of denial of employment opportunities and withholding of money for food and health care is also common with families in southern Sudan. Social stigma and fear of ostracism prevent many women from reporting cases, and the requirement to pay often exorbitant court fees excludes many women from seeking justice.

Finally, what the U.S. government can do to address the problem. And I'll limit my recommendations to four, given the time constrains.

First, resources for gender-based violence programs. This has come up several times in our discussion so far. We thank the U.S. government for the resources provided thus far to address the issue of violence against women and girls. However, given the magnitude of the challenges we face, much more will be required.

Second, effective and efficient programming. The State Department and USAID should help assure that U.N. agencies efficiently and effectively coordinate gender-based violence programming.

Third, U.S. leadership in the U.N. U.S. government should continue to be a strong leader in the landmark U.N. Security Resolution 1820. It is vital that the first report on 1820 address the priority problems of women's participation, program coordination, high-level leadership, quality care, and unethical information gathering.

The appointment of a high-profile, authoritative, and independent global advocate for women in conflict, such as a U.N. special representative to the secretary general for women, peace, and security will help ensure that the resolution is taken seriously and that there is follow through.

Finally, U.S. legislation. In 110th Congress Senators Biden and Lugar introduced bipartisan draft legislation, the International Violence Against Women Act, which would make violence against women a key priority in U.S. foreign assistance programs. The draft legislation is of vital importance for the hundreds of thousands of women and girls affected by violence.

Those of us working day in and day out on this issue support quick passage of a new bill, modeled on the earlier bill, which we hope will be introduced soon by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In conclusion, I again commend both subcommittees for bringing the attention of the Senate to bear on this critical issue. I thank you for the opportunity to present mine and the International Rescue Committees' views.

Sexual violence and extreme consequences do not have to be an inevitable part of conflict and displacement. The U.S. government can help make that hope a reality for women and girls around the world. We look forward to working with both subcommittees and the rest of Congress to ensure fulfillment of that hope. Thank you.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you very much.

And our last panelist is Mr. John Prendergast. He is the co- founder of the Enough Project, an initiative to end genocide and crimes against humanity. As the director of African Affairs at the National Security Council during the Clinton administration, he was involved in a number of peace processes in Africa.

John has also worked for members of Congress, for the United Nations, for Human Rights Organization and think tanks. He is the author of eight books on Africa, and he helped create the RAISE Hope for Congo campaign to end violence against women and girls in the Congo.

So with that said, we certainly have someone who has been on this issue for a very long time, and we are so pleased that you are here, John. Please proceed.

MR. PRENDERGAST: Thank you so much Senator Boxer and Senator Feingold for the considerable light you are shining on this issue today and what you've done before this. I think this hearing is going to reverberate beyond these walls this day for a long time because of my fellow panelists.

And I hope that what you were saying earlier about being down on the floor and talking of it, senators will be able to continue.

The essential problem I want to deal with is this. The U.S. and the broader international community are focused, almost exclusively, on treating symptoms rather than dealing with the causes while -- of these two wars as they're responding to what are the two deadliest wars in the entire world.

We spend now billions of dollars a year on humanitarian aid and military observers. This is our taxpayers' money. Without dealing substantially or seriously with the causes of these conflicts, it is irresponsible, in my view, to continue to spend taxpayers' money in this fashion without a clear plan to solve the problems which we didn't hear this morning or this afternoon from the earlier panel, rather than just managing them year after year.

Yes, there are marginal improvements that we could make in the lives of women and girls in both countries in the short run, and I think the -- again, the earlier panel talked about that. Yes, we can reorient the peacekeeping missions in both Congo and Sudan to focus more specifically on civilian protection.

We could, in fact, authorize more funds for caring for the survivors, terrible sexual violence like the work that my fellow panelists have been talking about. We could and we should make a greater commitment to accountability for the orchestrators and the perpetrators of rape as a tool of war.

These are all terribly important things to do. But it is urgent that we go beyond treating symptoms and focus on solution, focus on ending the wars once and for all. Now, the core causes of these two conflicts are different, and thus they require different solutions. There is no cookie cutter for conflict resolution in Africa or anywhere in the world.

Let's look at Congo first. For the last century this country has been picked apart by corporate and state predators stripping the country of its valuable natural resource bases, even others have already said. Until we deal with these conflict minerals, as we call them in Congo, there will be blood.

It is very much, I think, like the blood diamonds of Sierra Leon. Until our demand for those diamonds was altered, until we stopped buying blood diamonds, Sierra Leon burned. When consumer and congressional pressure combined to alter buying practices, to alter their corporate practices, Sierra Leon had a chance for peace, and it grabbed it.

Sierra Leon is a dramatic success story. Congo could be too if our demand for its conflict minerals is addressed. There, in Congo, the three Ts we call them and gold, the tantalum, tungsten and tin, are fought over by Congo's armed groups.

These conflict minerals help power our entire electronics industry. And when we deal with that conflict-producing demand, finally -- we have not done that in a 100 years of stripping that country of its resources -- when we finally start dealing with that conflict-producing demand back here in North America, and Asia, and Europe, Congo will finally have a chance for peace.

Now Senator Feingold, along with his colleagues, Senator Durbin, and Senator Brownback has introduced the Congo Conflict Minerals Act -- just a couple of weeks ago -- of 2009. This is an excellent to start and deserves the co-sponsorship of everyone on this committee going forward and throughout the Senate.

Furthermore, Congo's -- in addition to the conflict minerals issues, Congo's eastern neighbors, particularly, have added a great deal of fuel, gasoline to the fire raging in eastern Congo. And we think that the Obama administration, I think our panel has been unified on this, the Obama administration must expand its role in addressing this regional dimension both in confronting Rwanda and Uganda for their roles in the conflict mineral extractions as well as and in -- in the trade, as well as in supporting -- and this is crucial, and Senator Feingold has been a leader on -- a leading voice on this.

We have to get action on supporting more effective counterinsurgency efforts at neutralizing two of the deadliest and most ruthless militias in the face of the earth, and that is the LRA, the Lord's Resistance Army and the FDLR who originate from Rwanda and Uganda, but have absolutely devastated large swaths of eastern Congo.

Let's move to Sudan. Although natural resources are not insignificant there, the root cause is different. It's the continued warfare in -- in the continued concentration of most of the power and most of the wealth -- and there is a lot of wealth now with oil -- in the hands of a small group of people in Khartoum in the National Congress Party, the ruling party of Sudan.

The best way to erode this absolute authority short of -- for regime change which no one is interested in right now is through peace deals that allow for power sharing gradually with Darfuris, with southern Sudanese, with easterners, with Nubians -- Nubans and Nubians, and others around the country who have to have a share of that power in order for a peaceful Sudan to occur.

This requires, I think, a focus by the Obama team we haven't quite seen yet, supported by Congress, which will need on much greater support and attention for implementing the existing north-south peace deal, and building something that doesn't exist to the shock of most of us Darfur activists, something that hasn't existed and doesn't exist now for six years of this crisis in Darfur which is a credible peace process that will lead to a resolution of the conflict there.

This ought to be General Gration's first and most pressing priority, not running down every rabbit hole every time there is a humanitarian aid problem or somebody gets denied a visa. These are critical issues. They have an aid administrator so we can deal with those issues and have General Gration deal with the conflict in Sudan, and particularly in Darfur in rescuing the north-south deal.

That's where we're going to get progress. The Darfur anti- genocide constituency which you guys are very familiar with, I think, remains alive and well. And I think we are increasingly focused -- focusing on this agenda of peacemaking as the essential solution.

And Congress has stepped up in a number of important ways. Just a couple of weeks ago, a number of Congress persons, for example, were arrested in front of the Sudanese embassy and spent the day in jail.

Furthermore, activists from all over the United States along with some actors and super activists along with now Congressman Payne and Congresswoman Ross-Lehtinen are begun -- have taken up an ongoing fast which they are handing off to each other for aid and peace in Sudan.

And they want -- we all want you to invite either of you to join that Darfur Fast for Life. Most of them are fasting for three days, but with your frenetic schedules we were -- we've created a one day fasting option for senators, and we hope that you will consider this onetime offer in the coming weeks, maybe on a day without so many votes and so many hearings. In summary, this is an extraordinary case, I think, in which the interest of the American taxpayer and the interest of the war-affected Africans actually coincide. When we refocus our policy on dealing with the root causes of these wars, we will save literally -- it's no exaggeration -- literally billions of dollars and hundreds of thousands of lives.

That, senators, I think, is the best way to protect women and girls in Congo and Sudan in the long run by ending the world's two deadliest wars. Thank you very much.

SEN. BOXER: Well, again, thanks to all of you. You've really taken our breath away with the -- with your explanation of the problem, and the -- what's happening on the ground is just too hard to listen to, and that was the reason I felt we have to do this. And Senator Feingold agreed that it's hard to look at, but you got to look at it and you got to stop it, period.

So I am a person of action. And so I want to -- I have complete faith in Senator Feingold in terms of what he is trying to do to end these conflicts, and he -- and with an administration now that I trust and hope will finally focus on this more than it was been focused on before. I will follow his lead on this very, very strongly.

I also will work with Senators Durbin, and Feingold, and Brownback in terms of the minerals, and boycotting, and I believe in that. What I'm going to do myself, and -- because I've got other incredible people on the lead in these other areas in supporting them, I want to focus on making things better for women now.

So I'm going to focus on that. That isn't -- John, you're totally right. That's an outflow of these wars. But until you guys have figured out, we women, I think, are going to start stepping it up to call attention to this. Because one of the things I've learned in all the years that I fought for human rights, when I started to fight for human rights in way back, when I was in the House, I was fearful that if you put the light on it things will get worse.

I was very scared, and I thought, am I doing the right thing? You know, I take cases to the floor of the House and talk about it and thought, well, wait a minute, this could make things worse for the people. And all the human rights activists told me, "No, it will help us." So I said, "Okay, I'm scared but I'm going to do it."

And sure enough, we were able to get people out of the Soviet Union. We will be able to get people out of these places where they were being put into prison and mistreating the rest. And, of course, as Eve pointed out, in Bosnia, when the attention was focused.

So here is the thing. So we're going -- it's not that nobody else has done it, a lot of people have done it, and a lot of you are right here. But I'm going to be a reinforcement with my colleagues. So the things I'm trying to get at is what we can do right now.

Now, the first thing is we shine the light. And so what we're going to do is now send a follow-up letter to the president and to our great new -- our great new president and our great secretary of state, and say, "Please make this a priority and please help me."

And following up on Ambassador Verveer's open invitation to the rest -- the first panel to help, I didn't find an action agenda there, because I think they're just getting a paper straight on their desk. They just took over, right?

So here's the deal. I want you to help me, all of you, since you know I want to focus on making things better on the ground tomorrow. What should I put in the letter? The things I'm planning on putting in the letter, first, we need to get more doctors out there. And wait, I'm going to call on you, Eve, in a minute.

We want to get more doctors out there. These are things I picked up. We want a special person -- as -- I believe it was either Robert or John who said, which I brought out in the questioning -- at the U.N. who focuses on violence against women and publishes what's going on, and kind of ouches these countries for what's going on there to put the shame of public opinion on them in the hopes that they will start realizing they are losing steam, not gain it. So that's the second thing.

Then listening to Eve and listening to, I believe it was Chouchou, but I'm not sure which, I think it was Chouchou, talked about the need to get women in the security in the police force in the U.N. peacekeepers, because women in the position of power there would be very helpful. And then picking up on Robert's point about getting more aid to organizations.

But I fear that these organizations have been kicked out of Darfur, but that's another issue. So you see where I'm thinking, what we can do right now. And so those are few things.

If I could just go down the line and put aside the more complicated points that John raised, which I agree with him a 1000 percent, and I told Russ, he's my leader on this. Whatever we need to do, we'll do.

If each of you could name one, two, or three things you think ought to go in that letter, but the thing -- caveat is it has to be something straightforward. Now we can get it done. So we'll go down. And if each of you has one or four things, go ahead.

MS. ENSLER: My starting.

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MS. ENSLER: Okay. Well, I want to echo something that Chouchou said, because I think we're in agreement about a couple of things. I think one thing is the idea of a delegation, some kind of a high profile delegation that could come immediately to eastern Congo and really meet with women and look at the situation on the ground.

I think second of all, I would like to highly recommend the idea that we look at training women police officers in the bush, in the forest, who are legal, who are trained, who -- their salaries are paid, and they can be people who can enforce the law. Because I think --

SEN. BOXER: And who would they work for?

MS. ENSLER: They would work for the government. Yeah, they would be hired by the government. But they would be women police forces, so that women could turn to them and they could, and -- because they're all women police forces in the Congo. And they are very effective. And if there were a lot of them in places where MONUC -- and other places -- don't travel, which is just about everywhere where women are being raped, then I think women will be able to protect themselves, and they could be able to call on those police forces.

And then I think the third thing in terms of doctors, I just want to say, I think what -- there are more than two doctors in eastern Congo. What I think they need -- and I can really firm this up with Dr. Mukwege and Dr. Lucy (ph) in Goma -- is I think they need for more doctors to be trained in-country so that we build the capacity in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and more doctors are trained there rather than bringing people from the outside.

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

MS. ENSLER: Because we want the people of Congo to rule their own destinies and have their own doctors. And I think we need funding for that, and we need probably doctors to come and train them. But I want to talk to Dr. Mukwege in depth about that.

SEN. BOXER: So you think that what we need is not our doctors or other doctors to go in there, but just for our doctors perhaps to train --

MS. ENSLER: Exactly --

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

MS. ENSLER: -- to do training and build capacity in country.

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

Yes, Neimat.

MS. AHMADI: Thank you. I think what I mentioned earlier in Darfur, the disarmament of Janjawid is really of political importance because they are manipulating the cities and the area around the -- (inaudible) -- and the government army need to be away from the areas where there is civilians.

And the second thing, the alternative -- fuel alternative programs, because women are -- seeking firewood and going out to fetch water or other coping mechanisms. So they need to stay -- at least to keep them in their camps to be safe. And the third supporting the accountability --

SEN. BOXER: I didn't quite understand you said -- you said they need to stay in their camps to be safe, and so --

MS. AHMADI: Yeah, to provide them with fuel alternatives --

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

MS. AHMADI: -- they need not only to depend on firewood so they going in search of firewood. They need the --

SEN. BOXER: And that's when they get attacked is what you're saying when --

MS. AHMADI: Yeah, they would risk their lives to get attacked and to be raped repeatedly, so they need to have some project that provide them with fuel --

SEN. BOXER: Okay.

MS. AHMADI: -- and they can be in their camps safely. And also psychosocial support and health treatment, direct health treatment is a problem. But the most important problem is the expulsion of this organization. They were doing small projects, but this was very important and crucial to keep women alive, because the survivors rate like they're getting treatment from different of these organizations, now they don't get it. And that's really critical, because --

SEN. BOXER: And we need to get the organizations back in.

MS. AHMADI: Back, yeah. All of them like I'm hearing that people are speaking about some of these organizations, but that's not a solution, because this organization that is a no-go area for U.N. agencies, but --

SEN. BOXER: Now, the leader of the country has banished them, isn't that right?

MS. AHMADI: Yeah.

SEN. BOXER: These days, they have to leave. Yeah. So when I get to John down the line, we're going to talk about how we can get him to reverse that, or this could lead to just some conflict, because this is a real problem right. You have no witnesses, you -- nobody there.

MS. AHMADI: Yeah, nobody there and the rainy season is coming. Even within that normal situation, in Darfur the rainy season is really very difficult, and all the operation is stopped. They need to prepare for it from March. But now that doesn't exist.

That's why I think it's important, and this -- the first one is supporting justice, because women will only heal when they see their perpetrator held accountable.

SEN. BOXER: Right.

MS. AHMADI: And also the -- to end the culture of immunity, because happening in Darfur, happening in Congo while it happened before. We need to see this -- those people whom perpetrated the --

SEN. BOXER: You need a justice system that --

MS. AHMADI: Right, justice, and supporting for the ICC, I want the administration to support the ICC in different ways.

SEN. BOXER: Yeah.

MS. AHMADI: Even though the United States is not a member state, but the case of Darfur is -- (inaudible) -- by the U.N. Security Council. Then the role in the U.S. (ph) Security Council is of crucial important to read this.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you.

MS. AHMADI: Yeah.

SEN. BOXER: Chouchou.

MS. NABINTU: Thank you.

SEN. BOXER: So remember, I'm writing this letter to the administration, and I'm coming up with these ideas.

MS. NABINTU: Yeah, we thank --

SEN. BOXER: What would be your top ideas to help women in the short-term now?

MS. NABINTU: Yeah. The first thing is to work on the real cause, and I think that everybody knows that it's the economical war which leads to all this. And the -- it -- to make a pressure on our neighbors Rwanda, Uganda to stop it, because you know, FDLR in Congo, they are in the parts where there are resources. They have exploited them and -- (inaudible) -- Rwanda.

So Rwanda is -- it benefits of the instability of Congo. So to make pressure on Rwanda and Uganda -- even the LRA they are doing the same thing like FDLR. So to make pressure on Rwanda, to accept faith, to mean to stop -- that economical war and accept the return back of -- the return to Rwanda of the FDLR, and to make dialogue with them, because now Congolese people are paying on what they don't know.

The second thing is the -- to work on justice, as I said. The U.S. can make an arrest warrant, there were arrestments on rebels we did -- who did rape and sexual violences -- so to end impunity. It can make, for example, world arrestments on Laurent Nkunda on what he did in 2004 in South Kivu, and what he did in North Kivu. Are not they responsible of the FDLR? He's known, he's Muhonaishakai (ph), I think. And on Bosco Ntaganda, he's now -- he is -- there were no warrant arrestment, but he's protected by the government.

It's to encourage impunity. And the third thing is the assistance on victims. Those victims are now in extreme poverty. They lost everything, and I think that they don't -- they even lost lands where they lived. If they can have somewhere to live -- to build to them houses that can be considered for them as monument for their endurance, for their courage, because when you -- I admire their courage.

Sometimes I think, if it was -- if it was me, I don't know, because when we make interviews with them, you know, they show smile although things that happened to them was horrible. So if they can have that's --

SEN. BOXER: We call that restitution. You help the person, the victim, is what you're saying?

MS. NABINTU: Yeah.

SEN. BOXER: Helping the victims get a life back.

MS. NABINTU: Yeah.

SEN. BOXER: Give them a home, give them support.

MS. NABINTU: Give them the job so --

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MS. NABINTU: -- that they can have economical power, and to -- it can help them to forget what's happened to them.

SEN. BOXER: Well, that's very important.

Robert, I know you gave us your list you want to just go through it quickly again. You said more help for the NGOs to give assistance to the people.

MR. WARWICK: Yeah, thank you, Senator Boxer.

SEN. BOXER: Thanks.

MR. WARWICK: If -- that's in our written testimony, if you don't mind --

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MR. WARWICK: -- if I could just add a --

SEN. BOXER: No, please, please.

MR. WARWICK: -- few items to what I'd mentioned earlier. I think, we are in agreement, I -- some of the other comments made by my colleagues, IRC really sees this as a problem of an imbalance of power at the root. And we believe that we need to take a holistic approach to whatever we do. And that means partially to look at the emergency needs as we've discussed already whether they're health or psychosocial as well as long-term needs.

And I think, Neimat said earlier that when the guns stop, the violence continues. So if the conflict goes away we can expect that the violence against women will continue and we need to try to address that. IRC takes a four-pillar approach, and we would believe that any program that we want to pursue in DRC, or in Sudan, whether it's South Sudan or Darfur would include access to justice and rule of law.

We need to improve, in some cases establish, justice systems in the countries where -- in which we work. A big part of what we do is changing attitudes. Social norms need to change. So a lot of what we do is awareness raising. Working with communities, talking not only, of course, with women who are our main clients, but also with men; men have to be a part of this process.

Certainly, health and psychosocial support, you'd mentioned doctors, the fistula problem -- I mean, there are terrible problems we're all facing. Funding for those emergency needs are essential. We -- what we find is that until services are available women and girls do not come forward. It's a culture of silence that I mentioned earlier. So those services are essential and they have to be accessible.

And finally economic empowerment, the fourth pillar of our approach. And I think that overall what has been mentioned earlier is the issue of partnership and capacity building. Many of us will not be there for very long -- international organizations were there sometimes five, 10 years, the international community. We really need to focus our attention on working with our partners within the countries whether it's DRC or Sudan, building capacity. And then finally I think a lot of -- maybe we wouldn't be here today if more women weren't in power.

And I'm thinking about the South Sudan situation where in fact there are documents, the interim constitution of South Sudan for instance is very, in many ways, supportive to women in terms of the details of the constitution. The problem is it's not being enforced, it's not being enacted. So a lot of what we need to do is work with women not just to make sure that they have places of power within the government and in the economic sector, but also that they're trained, their capacity is built to achieve that. Thank you.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you so much.

John, would you like to wrap this up for us and give us some of -- more of your insights, please?

MR. PRENDERGAST: Three things.

But first I want to parenthetically say there is a Congolese doctor in the House, Dr. Roger Luhiriri, and it would be great if one of your staff people could talk to him and in addition to --

SEN. BOXER: Doctor, will you stand up, just so we can see if you're here.

MR. PRENDERGAST: There you are.

SEN. BOXER: Thank you so much for being here.

MR. PRENDERGAST: And he's worked with Dr. Mukwege and done a lot of incredible stuff at --

(Applause)

So my three things, I think for in terms of immediate action would be on -- first, in the realm of accountability, because there has to be a cost, a consequence for committing rape especially orchestrating rape as a tool of war.

Now, the Bush administration basically never -- of course, was very hostile to the International Criminal Court, but supported in the end of the day the ICC case in Darfur, and actually stood up for it in the United Nations Security Council and the Obama administration has continued that policy. We don't see any movement towards ratifying ICC, but they still support the case of the ICC in Darfur.

What I would say about accountabilities to press, is for the administration to work with the chief prosecutor in The Hague to expand the ICC's remit to the Kivus to work to the eastern Congo, to work on rape as a tool of war. Start the investigations in earnest, and let those rebel leaders, those militia leaders and government army officials know, that we're starting to collect evidence about their perpetrating these kinds of cases. That will have an immediate damping impact.

Second, I want to build on something Neimat was saying about protection. And the use, you know, the biggest -- in addition to the, or aside from humanitarian assistance, the biggest investment we are making as America in these conflicts and to respond to these conflicts is -- are these peacekeeping missions. They're huge missions, they're the two biggest missions in the world in Congo and Sudan, and they do very little to protect civilian populations.

So what I would say is that you and Senator Feingold and some of the Senators on this -- is to start pressing the administration to press the United Nations for a plan and give them a timeline, a deadline that says within X number of days we want to see a plan for how you can take the existing resources that these peacekeeping forces have and better protect civilian populations particularly women and children in the areas where they congregate in the highest risk areas.

We already know where the majority of rapes occur in Darfur, and Neimat has already told us about that. Why is it that this UNAMID, this peacekeeping mission cannot be structured in a way that prioritizes the prevention, prioritizes the prevention of those rapes. It's very simple, it's a question of policy imperative and priority. And so if the Congress who is giving the money for these -- 30 percent or whatever it is of the money of these missions, is saying unless you do this we're pulling the plug they're not going to stop the war.

These peacekeeping missions are there, they're not going to -- until there is a resolution of the conflict they're not going to -- but they can protect people in the meantime, that would have a huge impact. The third thing and the final one, I would say is to demand from this administration and anyone that follows it, a diplomatic strategy to counter rape as a tool of war.

And you start with strong representations with President Kabila and President Kagame and President Museveni. And you send the -- you send representatives from Washington and you say this issue of sexual violence is completely out of control and it's on your watch.

And we're now going to integrate this issue into our relationship, and until you demonstrably show that you are making specific adjustments and alterations into how you conduct your business with respect to your military forces both within Congo and across the border. And we're not gong to treat this relationship as business as usual. It is a devastating epidemic, and we can't treat these people as if it's business as usual, pat them for -- on the back for positive economic growth rates that are based on human exploitation.

This is incredible that we're doing this. So I think having a diplomatic strategy for rape and integrating these issues, mainstreaming these issues into our regular diplomacy instead of sticking them over here as gender issues that are being raised by some gender official. It's a central part of -- it ought to be a central part of our foreign policy, and it ought to come straight from the White House.

SEN. BOXER: Okay. Well, that was beautifully said.

Eve, did you want to add --

MS. ENSLER: Yeah, I want to echo that, because I think in some ways that's really the most significant thing that could be done is to make rape and sexual terrorism something that we're addressing as confidently and with as much power and force as anything else that we're addressing. And I just want to add one thing to that.

One of the things that we're seeing in the Congo, the campaign we'd launched two years ago, was really coming from the women on the ground. And it's really about building a woman's movement in the Congo where women are advocating, breaking the silence, telling their stories, standing up and knowing and owning their rights.

And I think that's something really important in the connection to what John is saying, in conjoining with that so that women don't again get left out of that process, but that women are brought into the process of movement building, which will be part of making sexual violence a central issue, which it is, because if there are no women there is no future to any country.

SEN. BOXER: How true.

Yes, Chouchou.

MS. NABINTU: So I'd like to add for the -- to fight against the impunity, if it could be a training for Congolese lawyers to collect evidence for the court or the ICC, even a training to doctors to collect medical evidence to support the victims to justice, because nowadays they ask to victims to show the proof of these -- to show a medical sheet. That's why we started an action to make -- to take interview, to make interviews with victims to collect their testimonies, so it could help to the justice.

SEN. BOXER: Well, I think, this links right into the trial that's going to go on and expanding it I think is just a brilliant idea. Well, you have given me all -- just what I needed to hear, which is, you know, have you all together and -- yes, Neimat

MS. AHMADI: Yeah, I just want to add one more thing. For -- sorry, for the countries like Sudan and Congo they should be a measurement for human rights situation. And accountability should be attached to that human right abuses, because -- and even in term of improving the relation between countries.

And also there should be a measurement or a mechanism within the U.N. that -- to help these countries accountable, because the human rights violation and in relation to women human rights is really devastating. And there is no clear mechanism that held in countries accountable within the U.N. because they are a member state of the United Nations.

And then also United States should find a way of pointing that out like these countries -- like, shaming these countries of the bad reputation of human rights abuses. So that internationally, they will be like blocked and they will be held accountable; there should be a mechanism.

And in addition -- also, I just want to mention that in case of Darfur, the ICC investigated rape as a tool of genocide, and as a tool of destruction and that there is a section that created within the International Criminal Court that -- investigating rape, there is a new resolution that create -- which is something very promising to put an end to this phenomena. That is why I think that support for the International Criminal Court is really crucial in term of ending violence against women.

SEN. BOXER: Yes.

MS. AHMADI: Thank you.

SEN. BOXER: Yes, I hear you loud and clear. And before I close, I'm going to ask the two statements be submitted for the record. The first is Human Rights Watch, second is from Physicians for Human Rights, both feel very strongly about this issue. So we'll put those in the record and any other documentation if anybody else has it let me know now. All your statements will be placed in the record as if you had given the entire statement.

You know, I just have to say, John that, you know, the way you stated everything here, which is to have a diplomatic effort to end rape as a tool of war, I mean, that's obviously the purpose of this hearing. You know, I'm not a diplomat, God knows that. I'm not very diplomatic, but I'm in the United States Senate, and I have an opportunity to speak with Secretary Clinton, I know how strongly she feels about this, Ambassador Verveer.

I know the president and the first lady care about this. So we are in a new time, but we just don't have a lot of time to waste on this. So we need to tell everybody that this is the moment. That's why I wanted you to come here, that's why I'm so pleased that you did. And, you know, this is just the beginning. We have to, you know, in our country there's a short attention span, so you need to remind people of something 10 times until you get tired of saying it.

So we really are going to have to focus, focus, focus, focus. And I think that you can help me do that, because if there's any good news coming out of these areas as a result of what we've done, I sure would like to know. If there's bad things happening, I want to know. I know you'll let me know, but my staff's unbelievable here, and Ann Norris (ph) is heading this effort.

And you know, we have hundreds of issues on our plate here. You know that we have problems in our country. We have people suffering in our country. We have all of that, but the bottom line is for America to be great, we have to open our eyes to these humanitarian issues. We have to, to these war issues. We can't say that we can block off what's happening in the rest of the world, because it's -- a human right is a human right.

And, you know, what happens to any of us, you know, happens to all of us. I mean, it's a spiritual thing, this is -- this is it. So we can't disconnect ourselves. What we need to do is reconnect. And I just feel we're going to do this. And it's overwhelming there's no doubt about it. It's overwhelming, it's not -- can't do one thing and stop this, there's so many things. That's why I'm going to have a role that I'm going to carve out for myself with others that I know really care, to pound on this, and pound on it, and pound on it, and pound on it, and take these steps which we'll work with you on.

What I just want you to know, that we will be following up with you within the next five, six work days, and we're going to write this letter, we're going to come up with these things, you're going to check on the doctor situation, what is the best way for us to approach it.

We will send this letter to all of you, because I'm trying to encompass everything you've told me that fits into what I am trying to do, which is to stop these things from happening, which John makes such a good point about giving an effort. And I'm going to talk to Johnny Isakson who's gone over there and Bob Corker.

The message is, you better shake this thing up, because this -- you're not going to get any, you know, help from us unless you really stop rape as a tool of war, and this criminal behavior, and the ICC expanding it, so that we can get these testimonials.

And I think when people start getting afraid of what could happen to them, because people are telling their stories thanks to a lot of Chouchou's work and all your work, they may just change their behavior right now, or at least moderate it if they know we're all watching. So each of us knows what we can do, and let's just get out there and do it. This has been an amazing experience for me. Very draining, very overwhelming, very important. And I just thank you from the bottom of my heart for coming here and sharing your insights, your passion and your advice to me.

Thank you very much and we stand adjourned. (Sounds gavel.)

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